Authors: professor Ljubica Vasic, PhD
professor Jelena Lopicic Jancic, PhD
Abstract: At the end of the 19th and in the first half of the 20th century, Serbian diplomacy had very capable career diplomats who were also writers, and who successfully performed their diplomatic duties while at the same time dealing with literatury work. Serbian diplomacy in that period was one of the few European diplomacies that had a certain number of career diplomats who were writers as well. They, like everyone else, started out as interns, and the fact that they were writers did not bring them any privileges in the service regarding their title or advancing in their diplomatic career. During their diplomatic service, they fought for the status of Serbia, and later Yugoslavia, in the world. A satire was form of literary experssion that they used to fight against the ideologies, that were woven into their works. After Domanovic, also Nusic and Andric, with their „murderous pen“, pointed out that, for example, researching ideology was rooted in the social sciences, thus they paid attention to ideologies and the power of history in relation to class, dominant social movements, political economy and culture. Satire was the mirror of a leaders, and leaders were as strong as their will to use the satire to pave the way for others to follow them on the path that they themwselves were on.
Key words: Serbia, satire, diplomacy, leaders, Radoje Domanovic, Ivo Andric, Branislav Nusic
- Diplomacy as a tool of writers in their pursuit of portraying the society – diplomatic activities of Serbian writers: Branislav Nusic and Ivo Andric
At the dawn of the 20th century, Serbia found itself navigating a complex geopolitical landscape, emphasizing the critical role of diplomacy in shaping its destiny. As a small Balkan country, Serbia sought to assert its independence and strengthen its position amidst the intricate web of alliances and rivalries that characterized Europe during this era. Diplomacy was instrumental in securing Serbia’s international recognition and establishing alliances that would prove pivotal in times of crisis. The 1903 coup d’état, which brought the Karadjordjevic dynasty to power, marked a turning point, and Serbian diplomats worked diligently to consolidate relationships with major powers.
As this is a scientific paper with limited space in the outlined framework, we have decided to briefly discuss the influence and activity of two Serbian writers on diplomatic relations in the abovementioned period, namely Branislav Nusic and Ivo Andric. In 1893, Branislav Nusic, a law graduate and a well-known writer at the time, was appointed to a position of Consul in Pristina. In order to understand his diplomatic engagement, courage and patriotism, we will briefly discuss the security situation in Pristina during that period. The Consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Pristina was opened on November 15, 1889. (Zbornik 1891: 440) Luka (Kosta) Marinkovic, a career diplomat and a lawyer, was appointed to the position of Consul in the Consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Pristina. (Srpski biografski rečnik 6, 2014: 73).
The territorial jurisdiction of the Serbian Consulate in Pristina included the territory of Kosovo and Metohija vilayet (province). The territorial jurisdiction of this Consulate included the territory of Sandzak, but due to unrest and security issues, the Serbian government determined the jurisdiction of the Consulate exclusively to Kosovo an Metohija. It should be noted that the Consulates of Russia, Austria, England and Italy were located in Prizren. (Kostić 1928: 207-213) How difficult the position was, in addition to the constant threats to the Consulate, could best be seen in the fact that the head of the Priština district forbade every visit to the Consulate and thus tried to prevent and prohibit the normal functioning of the Consulate.
In the 19th century all the way until 1912, in Kosovo and Metohija there were years of mass persecutions, terrible crimes, physical extermination, and seizure of property by the Albanians with the help of the Turkish authorities. Constant threats to the staff of the Consulate came true when, on June 19, 1890, Albanians killed Consul Luka Marinkovic in front of the Consulate building in Pristina. (Peruničić 1985: 118-127) After the murder of the Consul Luka Marinkovic, Serbia appointed Todor P. Stankovic, the editor of the Serbian newspaper “Prizren”. Stankovic was a good expert on the situation in Kosovo and Metohija, and he started performing the role of Consul in Pristina in 1891 and held that position until 1893.
Branislav Nusic was appointed Consul in Pristina in 1893. (Jovanović 1938: 259) Regardless of the very risky position in Pristina, Branislav Nusic accepted to be appointed to the position of Consul. Threats by Albanians to Consul Branislav Nusic, his family and the Consulate staff as well, were conducted on a daily basis. Back in 1894, Nusic proposed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Serbia that the Consulate in Pristina be closed. On September 20, 1896, Nusic again proposed to Stojan Novakovic, then Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, that the consulate be closed, giving an explicit explanation. He stated that Pristina was not a commercial, political or military center, nor would it be in the near future. There was no justification for Consular affairs, and there were very few of them anyway. As the most important reason for closing the Consulate, he stated that there was not a single foreign Consulate in Pristina, and that the security conditions were very bad and dangerous for the lives of the Consulate staff. He stated that during his three and a half years of service in Pristina, he was sentenced to death seven times by the Albanians, but that he still was not afraid. Branislav Nusic’s proposals for the abolition of the Consulate in Pristina were justified, but they were not adopted and the Consulate remained open until 1912, when the Serbian army liberated Kosovo and Metohija from the Turkish occupation.
Serbian teacher Stevan Markovic managed to get permission from the Turkish authorities to open a Serbian bookstore in Pristina as early as 1890. The opening of this Serbian bookstore in Pristina was helped by Branislav Nusic, and consequently the bookstore was opened on March 1, 1890. The Turkish authorities carried out strict inspection and censorship of all books and other printed material arriving from Belgrade and Novi Sad. (Djilas 1986: 154-155). From everything presented, it can be concluded that Branislav Nusic was a great patriot who fought for the status of Serbia.
Ivo Andric, who entered the diplomatic service in 1920, was also one of the famous writers and diplomats. (Popović 2011: 93) Ivo Andric’s first job was in the embassy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to the Vatican, where he took the position of a secretary. While he was on duty in the Vatican, he wrote the short stories: The Journey of Alija Djerzelez and Corkan i Svabica. Unfortunately, Andric’s health was quite impaired due to his internment in Split, Sibenik and Maribor prisons, thus he had a hard time coping with transfers. The consequences of his deteriorating health would follow him and manifest itself to a greater or lesser extent throughout his life. Due to the unfavorable climate in Rome, Andric requested a transfer due to health reasons. Andric’s request for transfer was accepted and he was transferred to the general consulate of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in Bucharest when he was also promoted to the rank of vice consul of the second degree. When he took over the office in November 1921 (ed. Milošević 1992: 12) Andric, who was very hardworking and rational person, managed to write and complete the stories: Za logorovanja, Mustafa Madzar and Love in the Small Town in addition to his extensive official diplomatic work in Bucharest, which were published in 1922 and 1923 in the Serbian Literary Gazette and Jugoslovenska njiva. (Karaulac 2002: 229)
Andric then served in the General Consulates in Trieste, Graz and Marseille. Afterwards, he was transferred to our embassies, first in Paris[1], then in Madrid and Brussels. It should be noted that Andric stayed in those cities for a shorter time due to his poor health provoked by the unfavorable climate.
With the new decree of King Alexander from January 1, 1930, Andric was appointed as secretary in the Royal Permanent Delegation to the League of Nations in Geneva. Andric participated in the work and sessions of numerous conferences and meetings held in Geneva and was a member of numerous Yugoslav delegations that participated in these conferences, meetings and sessions. Thus, he gained extensive diplomatic experience on numerous world international and diplomatic problems and issues, starting with disarmament, armed conflicts, peace negotiations, minority issues, economic issues, international treaties and conventions, social issues, refugee issues, the International Labor Office, imigrant issues as well, and a whole series of other ongoing international issues. Further, Andric gradually progressed until, in 1937, he was appointed to the position of Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs, practically becoming the second person of importance in Yugoslav diplomacy. On April 10, 1939, he was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary representative of the second level in the Royal Embassy in Berlin. (ed. Milošević 1992: 25-29) The position and function of the Royal Representative of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in Berlin in 1939 was the most difficult in his diplomatic career due to the political situation in which Nazi Germany exerted open pressure on the Kingdom of Yugoslavia to accede to the Tripartite Pact. (Mitić 2002: 25-45).
On April 19, 1939, Andric handed to Chancellor Adolf Hitler his letters of accreditation as well as the letter of recall of the predecessor Aleksandar Cincar-Markovic. German pressure on Yugoslavia continued to make Yugoslavia join the Axis powers, then the Anti-Comintern Pact, to leave the League of Nations, the Balkans and the Little Entente. (Glišović 2012: 272-314) Yugoslavia tried to maintain its neutrality, but it failed. The government of Dragisa Cvetkovic as well as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Cincar-Markovic, tried to conclude the negotiations with Germany regarding Yugoslavia’s accession to the Tripartite Pact through secret negotiations with Ribbentrop and Hitler.
When Ivo Andric found out that Cvetkovic and Cincar-Markovic met in Salzburg on February 14, 1941 with Ribbentrop and Hitler, and about the negotiations they had of which he was not informed nor was he present at these meetings, he sent a letter to the Minister Cincar-Markovic in which he protested because of the violation of both his authority and his integrity. On March 17, 1941, Minister Cincar-Markovic replied to Andric trying to justify the situation referring to the request of the German government that these visits and conversations be conducted in secrecy. However, the proceedings continued with Prince Paul Karadjordjevic’s secret visit to Hitler on March 4 and 5, 1941 in Berchtesgaden without the knowledge and presence of Ivo Andric. When he found out about this visit, Andric, in a letter dated March 20, 1941, demanded that the Minister, Cincar-Markovic, withdraw him from the position of Royal Representative in Berlin, which parctically led to his resignation.
In the meantime, the government of Dragisa Cvetkovic made a decision on Yugoslavia’s accession to the Tripartite Pact, calculating that in this way it would preserve the neutrality of Yugoslavia and avoid German aggression. Andric was invited to attend the solemn ceremony of signing the Tripartite Pact in Vienna, in Belvedere Castle on March 25, 1941. Andric attended the ceremony of signing. The protocol on Yugoslavia’s accession to the Tripartite Pact was signed between Dragisa Cvetkovic and Cincar-Markovic and, on behalf of the Tripartite Pact, by Joachim von Ribbentrop, Galeazzo Ciano and Saburo Kurusu.
On March 27, 1941, there was a coup in Belgrade, following Hitler’s decision to destroy Yugoslavia. Ivo Andric was urgently invited to Belgrade for consultations, receiving new instructions. On his return to Berlin, Andric tried to be received by one of the high-ranking officials in the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but he did not succeed, nor did he manage to deliver a note from the Yugoslav government. Andric was only received on April 5, 1941 by the Head of Protocol of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Alexander von Dörnberg, who handed him his passport. At the same time, this meant that there was a state of war. On the very next day, on April 6, 1941, Nazi Germany launched an aggression against Yugoslavia without declaring war, bombing Belgrade and other cities. (Juričić 1989: 207). In diplomatic practice, the handing over of a passport to a diplomatic official by the government of the receiving country means that the official’s mission in that country ended and it also implicated the termination of diplomatic relations. (Lopičić-Jančič 2021: 94-101)
On April 6, 1941, Alexander von Dörnberg called Andric and informed him that due to the termination of the diplomatic relations between the two countries, the presence of Yugoslav diplomatic and consular representatives in Germany, as well as in the occupied countries, was not possible. This included countries that were occupied by Germany, countries such as: France, Belgium, Netherlands, Czechoslovakia and Germany itself. Andric reached an oral agreement with Alexander von Dörnberg that Yugoslavia would be represented by Switzerland as the protecting power in Germany. After obtaining the consent of the German Government, Switzerland took over the protection of Yugoslav interests in German, as well as in the occupied territories. Very quickly, Germany withdrew from the agreement stating that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia no longer existed.
According to this agreement, all personnel from the abovementioned countries, including Germany itself, would move to Switzerland, with the provision that they first gathered in the city of Konstanz, which was located on the German-Swiss border. The Swiss government took over the protection of Yugoslav interests in Germany on April 7, 1941. After gathering staff from all the Consulates in Germany and other countries, which lasted several days, the representative of the German government informed Andric that the whole group would be sent to Belgrade instead to Switzerland. Andric was allowed to be transffered solely to Switzerland, which he refused, asking that the whole group be transffered to Switzerland. Then, on May 28, 1941, Andric wrote a note of protest that referred to violations of diplomatic immunity and the prohibition of permits to transfer Yugoslav diplomats and their families to Switzerland. Andric handed the protest note to the new German representative, Freiherrn von Schleinitz, who was in charge of this group, and who refused to receive the note and read it. The note was left on his desk. A whole group of diplomats and Consuls from embassies and Consulates from France, Belgium, Netherlands, Poland and the Protectorate of the Czech Republic and others, a total of 185 of them with family members arrived in Belgrade only on June 1, 1941. (Milošević 1995: 133-141) Andric and the entire Yugoslav diplomatic staff remained in Konstanz until May 30, 1941, when they were taken to Belgrade by special train. They finally arrived on June 1, 1941.
- The birth of satire
Domanovic’s satire was the key domain of his creativity. His satire was characterized by the absence of personal aggressiveness, developing through a calmer line of expression, using sharp irony instead of angry sarcasm. (Bogdanović 1961: 218-219) Domanovic’s satire was in a certain sense more objective because of the broader socio-political ground on which it was based. Through it, not only the writer, but the entire social class expressed themselves, almost as if one class consciousness – civil democracy – was speaking politically. (Ibid: 218-219)
Domanovic was a key political force within that radical party, using his literary works to satirize the dark political conditions in the country. He criticized the policy of the radical party, which was transformed into a dynastic henchman, subjugated to the court and the military oligarchy. In addition, he condemned party sectarianism, corruption, destroyed civic morality, restrained freedom of the press, established apathy in the intellectual circles, and killed faith in the higher value of politics among the wider masses, creating political self-destruction.
Simultaneously, Serbian society was undergoing significant transformations. Rapid modernization and the clash between traditional values, together with the emerging ideologies, created a complex tapestry of social dynamics. Satire, with its ability to reflect social absurdities and contradictions, became a powerful tool for introspection. Writers and satirists leveraged this medium to shed light on the paradoxes and challenges faced by Serbian society, serving as a mirror for self-reflection. Prominent Serbian satirists of the early 20th century, such as Branislav Nusic and Radoje Domanovic, played a crucial role in weaving together the threads of diplomacy and social critique. Nusic’s works, such as The Cabinet Minister’s Wife and The Deceased, skillfully employed satire to highlight political corruption, bureaucratic inefficiencies, and social hypocrisy. Domanovic, through his satirical essays and short stories, criticized the prevailing socio-political order, often challenging the status quo. Interestingly, Serbian diplomats recognized the potential of satire as both a social commentary and a diplomatic tool. In some instances, satire served as a subtle means of communicating social challenges to the international community, fostering an understanding of Serbia’s internal struggles. At the same time, diplomats strategically navigated the portrayal of Serbia in satirical works to shape international perceptions positively.
- Writers as instrument of the rising critical mindset in Serbia at the beginning of the 20th century – Radoje Domanovic, Branislav Nusic and Ivo Andric
Political satire, in particular, became a powerful form of social commentary. Writers used humor and irony to criticize political elites, bureaucracies, and the broader socio-political landscape. This not only served as a form of catharsis for the public but also contributed to fostering a critical awareness of the issues at hand. Furthermore, satire played a pivotal role in challenging authoritarianism and censorship. The ability to convey dissent through humor allowed writers to navigate the delicate balance between critique and avoiding outright censorship. Satirical works often employed allegory and metaphor to address controversial topics, providing a layer of protection against direct reprisal. In order to evaluate a work adequately, it is necessary to have a deep understanding, to see the basic idea and to penetrate into the core of the work. (Skerlić 1971: 18) A critic should possess intellectual selflessness, the ability to distance himself, to live the life of his/her works in addition to his/her own life. This requires not only an expressed sensitivity and an artistic feeling for beauty, but also a broad, flexible intelligence, constantly open to the most diverse perspectives, the ability to constantly change. We are looking for a free spirit without prejudices and previous attitudes, the determination to criticize everything and express everything with the belief that the only thing that is sovereign in this world is free human opinion. (Ibid: 18)
- Leaders seen through the prism of the satire
For diplomacy in Serbia, the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was a period of intense political changes and international conflicts. Serbian statesmen dealt with the challenges of diplomacy to ensure the country’s independence. Negotiations, alliances and wars were an integral part of the process that led to the creation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. At that time, Serbia was going through transformations in which diplomacy and politics played a key role in shaping the nation.
Radoje Domanovic, a prominent Serbian satirist, through his satires at the beginning of the 20th century, insightfully criticized social anomalies and shortcomings in Serbia. His works, such as The Stigma and Land of Tribulation, is a sharp commentary on the political, social and cultural conditions of that time. Domanovic’s satire was often directed against corruption, bureaucracy and hypocrisy in Serbian society at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. Domanovic’s The Stigma revives the dynamics of life through a strong peasant spirit, ridiculing absolutism, power and slavery among the people. Domanovic criticizes capricious masters and hypocrisy in society, and The Stigma presents an angry and harsh condemnation of submission to tyranny and loss of freedom. (Gligorić 1945: 127) Through his characters, often grotesque and caricatured, Domanovic exposed deep-rooted problems, while at the same time using humor to stimulate the readers’ thinking. His stories often presented the absurdity of the system, showing the senselessness of the situations in which the characters found themselves.
Radoje Domanovic left a deep and strong impact on Serbian society at the beginning of the 20th century with his satire, especially in the work The Leader. This work, written in 1902, is a sharp commentary on the political currents and leaders of that time, especially through the delinanation of the main character, the leader. In The Leader, Domanovic skillfully uses sarcasm and irony to highlight the shortcomings of the political system and moral values. The leader, as a central figure, becomes a symbol of authoritarian rule and its absurdity. Through this character, Domanovic criticizes the arbitrariness and the lack of responsibility of the rulers. Satire The Leader has a special significance because it openly challenged the political elites of the time. Domanović bravely held up a mirror to society, pointing out the dangers of blindly following the leader and the lack of critical thinking. This satire contributed to the awakening of awareness of the need for democratic values and resistance to tyranny. The significance of The Leader also lies in the fact that it encouraged a public debate on political issues and the values of society. Domanović boldly pointed out the problematic aspects of the government, challenging citizens to reconsider their attitudes and actively participate in shaping a better future.
Nusic’s ability to use humor as a diplomatic tool was often instrumental in resolving conflicts and building international alliances. In his diplomatic challenges, Nusic used sharp satire to point out the absurdities of political situations, thereby gaining the affection and sympathy of his interlocutors. Nusic’s diplomatic career reached its peak during the World War I, when he played a key role in diplomatic negotiations and directing the allied powers towards the Balkans. His extraordinary diplomatic skills were essential in achieving favorable conditions for Serbia. Although he was known as a comedian, Nusic showed seriousness and pragmatism in the diplomatic world. His ability to combine a sharp intellect with diplomatic finesse made him an extremely effective negotiator. As a diplomat, Branislav Nusic left a legacy of courage, intelligence and skill that inspires even today. His ability to use humor as a weapon and at the same time be serious in international relations makes him a unique and valuable contributor to Serbian diplomacy.
- Conclusion
Domanovic’s collection of satires (The Leader, The Stigma, Land of Tribulation and Dead Sea) was translated with the goal of presenting it to a Central European audience. What happened actually exceeded the expectations of both the translator and the publisher. Domanovic literally ruled the top of the bestseller list, compiled according to the data of the largest bookstores in Germany and Austria, overtaking authors such as Heinrich Bell, Guinter Gras, Ernest Hemingway, Herbert Marcuse and André Malraux. Furthermore, American readers recognized in Domanovic a writer whose topics were even more current, describing American decay as a resut of Johnson’s doctrine. Steinbeck himself declared that Domanovic was an extraordinary discovery for him and one of the greatest literary inventions overall. (ed. Stanojevic 2008: 96) The release of translations of Domanovic’s work occurred during the Johnson doctrine followed by the escalation of the Vietnam War. (Vasić 2020)
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Serbian diplomacy boasted highly skilled career diplomats who were also accomplished writers. These individuals adeptly balanced their diplomatic responsibilities with their literary pursuits. Unlike many of their European counterparts, Serbian diplomats during this era included a notable contingent of writers among their ranks. Despite their literary backgrounds, they began their careers as apprentices, without any special privileges or advantages in attaining titles or promotions. Throughout their diplomatic tenure, they tirelessly advocated for Serbia’s, and later Yugoslavia’s, standing in the global arena. It’s noteworthy that satire often featured prominently in their writings, serving as a tool to criticize or align with various ideologies prevalent at the time. Figures such as Domanovic, Nusic, and Andric used their sharp pens to dissect social ideologies, emphasizing the importance of understanding ideologies within the realms of social sciences, and their impact on class dynamics, prevailing social movements, power structures, political economy, and culture. Satire, in essence, acted as a reflection of leadership, with the strength of a leader measured by their willingness to utilize satire to influence others and shape the trajectory of their leadership.
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[1] During his service in Paris, Andric carried out research in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France in his spare time, especially the archival materials and reports of the French General Consul in Travnik from 1809 to 1814. Later, he also collected archival materials from archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Vienna on the same time period that related to Travnik. Andric used the mentioned archival material to write the novel Travnik Chronicles.
УТИЦАЈ СРПСКИХ КЊИЖЕВНИКА КАО ЛИДЕРА У НАШИМ ДИПЛОМАТСКИМ ОДНОСИМА ОД 1878. ДО 1945. ГОДИНЕ
проф. др Јелена Ђ. Лопичић Јанчић
проф. др Љубица М. Васић
Резиме: Крајем 19. и у првој половини 20. века, дипломатија у Србији имала је врло способне каријерне дипломате који су били и писци, а који су успешно обављали своју дипломатску дужност и истовремено се бавили и књижевним радом. Српска дипломатија у том раздобљу била је једна од ретких европских дипломатија која је имала одређени број каријерних дипломата који су били и књижевници. И они су, као и сви други, почели своју каријеру као приправници, а то што су били књижевници није им доносило никакве привилегије у вези са звањем или напредовањем у служби. Током своје дипломатске службе борили су се за статус Србије, а касније и Југославије, у свету. Сатира је била облик књижевног изражавања којим су се борили против идеологија које су биле уткане у њихова дела. Након Домановића, и Нушић и Андрић су својим “убојитим” пером истицали да је, на пример, истраживање идеологије укорењено у друштвеним наукама и посвећивало пажњу идеологијама и самој моћи историје у односу на класу, доминантне друштвене покрете, политичку економију и културу. Сатира је била огледало лидера, а лидери су били јаки онолико колико је била јака њихова воља да сатиром утру пут другима да их следе на том истом путу на ком су се и сами налазили.
Кључне речи: Србија, сатира, дипломатија, вође, Радоје Домановић, Иво Андрић, Бранислав Нушић
